Eucharist in the course of history which animals


 

The celebration of the Eucharist, also known as the Lord's Supper (1 Cor 11:20) or the breaking of bread (Acts 2.42) in early Christian times, has been central to the Church since its inception. The meaning of Christian practice is in an inner connection with the so-called Last Supper, which Jesus - according to the testimony of the New Testament scriptures - celebrated with his followers on the evening before his suffering and death.

The last supper

The Last Supper is in the context of Jesus' numerous meal celebrations during his life, teaching and ministry in Israel. In accordance with Jewish custom, Jesus repeatedly took part in meal celebrations (cf. Lk 14,1.7-24), also with tax collectors, sinners and prostitutes, and indicated the near kingdom of God in them (cf. Mk 2,15ff; Mt 9,10; Lk 5.29; Lk 15.2; Mt 11.19; see proclamation of the Basileia as the center of the mission of Jesus).

The connection with the tradition of Israel is also evident in the Last Supper. Jesus appears here like a Jewish householder as the host at a festive meal that is at table with his guests. According to Jewish tradition, Jesus speaks the blessing over the bread at the beginning of the meal. He takes the bread, breaks it and distributes it to those present. Within this traditional framework, however, Jesus sets his own accent and thus emphasizes the Last Supper as a special signing act: In an interpretative word about the bread, he makes it clear to his followers that he is offering himself to them in this bread, namely as someone who who is now going to death in obedience to his father. Jesus also treats the blessing cup with wine, which is served at the end of the Jewish feast (cf. post-grace birkat hammazôn). Again Jesus speaks his own accompanying word and thus interprets the wine as his own blood, obviously in the sense of the blood of the covenant (Mk 14.24
In the texts of the New Testament, which deal with the Last Supper, there is a consensus at the core, which is in a common root, apparently a very old piece of tradition, despite the respective accentuation (see processed sources, editorial context, theological understanding, intention to preach, choice of words) Jerusalem early church, founds. The two strands of the Last Supper in the New Testament are based on this, as they are expressed on the one hand in Mk 14: 22-24 and on the other hand in 1 Cor 11: 23-26. In V 23 Paul expressly speaks of the fact that he has already received this tradition, which he is passing on here in the first letter to the Corinthians. The Pauline section has a more Greek language form than the corresponding section in Mark. In addition, the Pauline text appears theologically more reflective, which is expressed in the understanding of the New Covenant (cf. Jer 31:31) in the blood of Jesus and in the moment of the history of Christ. The repeated order mentioned twice "do this in my memory" apparently comes from the early, pre-Pauline Lord's Supper practice and is likely to have been included in 1 Corinthians from here. The section Luke 22: 14-20 is based on the same traditions as 1 Cor 11: 23-26. Mt 26: 26-29, on the other hand, goes back editorially to Mark. All in all, the New Testament can distinguish two ways of representing the Lord's Supper with Mark / Mt and 1 Cor / Lk, each with its own accentuation.

The presentation in John's Gospel differs from these two traditions again quite considerably: Jn 13.2 only testifies to the fact that there was a meal on the evening of the 13th of Nisan (probably the year 30), that is, on the evening before the day of preparation for the Pesach festival . In terms of content, however, Jn 13 does not report anything about the meal; Instead, the washing of the feet, which takes place in connection with this meal, and not the meal itself, is emphasized as a special signing act of Jesus (and not as one of those seven "signs" (semeia) that are characteristic of the Joh-Ev, but rather that final climax in the seventh sign of the suffering, death and resurrection of Jesus, ie belonging to the sign par excellence). In contrast to the Synoptics, in Joh the Eucharistic point of reference is not handed down in connection with the supper of Jesus before his glorification, but in Joh 6.

The kerygmatic dimension rightly takes precedence over the question of historical accuracy in the text genre "Gospel", which from the Easter perspective is dedicated to the issue of the proclamation of Christ. In accordance with the ideal of ancient historiography, the Joh editorial team emphasizes precisely the actual truth of what is supposed to come to the statement in-over the historical facts in the light. Accordingly, gospel texts are not records of the life of Jesus. In theologically motivated editorial discussion of the present traditional pieces, the Joh-Ev also works out the truth about Jesus, the Christ, in its own specific way. In the Johannine concept of the sign, the testimony to God's salvific work that has become tangible is expressed; this has its pre-Easter counterpart in the manifold saving acts of Jesus. Joh uses the concept of the sign in a specific sense with strong theological weight: In the signs, Jesus is represented as the Son sent by the Father. The signs reveal who Jesus actually is. Therefore they represent an essential mode for John to proclaim Jesus as the Christ.

Jn 6 takes up selected synoptic narrative material (cf.Mk 6,32-52 and Mk 8,1-30), relating to Jesus' work in Galilee, deliberately prepares these materials according to certain theological motifs and thus clearly sets their own theological ones in the text presentation Accents. The piece of text Joh 6, which is characterized by the sign of the feeding of the multitude and the thematically related Jesus word about bread, represents in the correspondence of physical feeding and feeding through the word (cf.atl. Connection between bread and word: Dtn 8.3b; Weish 16.26; Jer 15.16; Am 8.11) represent a coherent composition. Jesus himself is the bread of life, which remains in eternal life, the "true bread from heaven" in contrast to manna , the "bread from heaven" that God gave to the fathers in the desert. "Eating" the bread means a deeper form of participating in the sign of Jesus than simply "seeing" the signs. The food is the greater seeing. The motif of the (Eucharistic) meal is deepened in a special condensation at the end of Jesus' speech VV 51-58.

Faith is not the work of man; it owes itself deeply to the work of God. The signs may have a certain Maieutic function. These are "written so that you may believe that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, and that by believing you may have life in his name" (Jn 20:31). The signs deepen the access to faith; to that extent they mean salvation. For those who close themselves off to their depths and do not come to believe, they mean judgment for Joh.

The fact that the synoptic texts depict the Last Supper as Pesach Supper, which in fact cannot have been on the evening of that 13th Nisan as the evening before the day of preparation, is probably due to their theological understanding and the practice of early Christian Passover celebrations. With the Easter experience of the selected witnesses, combined with the insight that Jesus the Christ, the exalted, the Son of God perfected in the glory of the Father, is precisely this Jesus with whom they previously lived together, Jesus' earthly life, teachings and Work as well as his suffering and death in a new light.
The historical dimension of these events now appears to be interpreted from the perspective of the newly opened eschatological dimension, which, however, is only revealed in faith. Jesus is not only about a historical person (this of course also), but also about the Christ, the exalted Lord. The young church confesses that Jesus, who has become known and trusted, is the Christ Messiah, that he is Kyrios (1 Cor 12: 3; Rom 10: 9; Phil 2: 11). In the light of the Easter experience, the young church becomes aware of the depth of the historical life of Jesus, of his suffering and death and thus also of the Last Supper. From now on, the church takes up the iterative celebration of the Lord's Supper in a ritual manner and thus participates in the person and mission of Jesus Christ. The recording of this act of signs is by no means historicizing or imitating, but interpreting in the understanding of Easter and varying in shape.

Early Christian Lord's Supper Practice

If, according to Jewish tradition, Christians break bread at the beginning of the main meal, while the beaker trade takes place as part of the prayer at the end of the meal, the breaking of bread and beaker trade are merged into an independent unit early on, around the year 40, and coordinated as a double act celebrated at the end of the meal. The cultic Lord's Supper and the fraternal agape meal, which emerges from the original satiation meal, become more clearly distinguishable and de facto gradually separate completely until the agape finally disappears completely. However, the form of celebration of the Lord's Supper is by no means uniform and varies between the individual communities. The evening symposium, which is widespread in the Mediterranean and includes the main meal of the day, proves to be a point of reference. It was not until the 3rd century that the celebration of the Lord's Supper was based on the ntl. The tradition of the Lord's Supper in the form of the Pauline-anamnetic holiday type was fully established.

The members of the young church in Jerusalem, who belong to the Jewish people, remain rooted in the Jewish tradition and continue to take part in the temple cult as a matter of course and zealously (cf. Acts 3: 1). In addition, however, the first differentiations are also visible in Jerusalem, such as the special form of community (cf.Acts 2,44; 4,32). The specifically Christian celebrations, to which primarily the Lord's Supper belongs, take place in the context of meetings in private houses, such as the upper room in Jerusalem (cf. Acts 1:13). "Day after day they stood with one accord in the temple, broke bread in their houses and shared meals with one another with joy and simplicity of heart. They praised God and were loved by all the people" (Acts 2: 46-47a).

Only gradually is there a mutual demarcation between those Jews who confess Jesus as the Christ and those who do not believe in him. On the one hand, Jewish authorities first exclude the apostles (cf. Acts 5: 17-40) and finally all other followers of the new path. With the stoning of Stephen (Acts 7), the first forms of persecution set in (Acts 8: 1b). So "Saul tried to destroy the church; he entered the houses, dragged away men and women and delivered them to prison" (Acts 8: 3). On the other hand, for Christians, their proprium comes more and more to the fore. With the acceptance of the faith by an increasing number of pagans, the reference system of the young church is increasingly shifting away from the Jewish context. Gradually the ways of Jews and Christians are separated. The gradual break between church and synagogue is progressing at different speeds depending on the region, and in some particular churches it is only concluded with the constitution of the imperial church in the 4th century or, on the Jewish side, with the consolidation of rabbinic Judaism. During these centuries, both Christian and Jewish synagogue worship became more pronounced and gradually took on a fixed form. In these processes, which often take place in parallel, both draw from a common biblical (= Old Testament) and cultic heritage, partly in mutual influence, partly in differentiation from one another. In no way did Christian worship emerge unidirectionally from a fixed Jewish form.

With the destruction of the temple in 70, the focus of religious life decentralized and shifted increasingly to the household communities, and on the Jewish side also to the synagogues. This promotes the development of new forms of worship for Jews and Christians, which take the place of the previous temple cult. If the synagogue service in the 1st century consists largely of scripture reading and an explanation of the books of the Torah and the prophets. An extension to the prayer service, in which elements from the earlier temple cult are included with the recitation of prayers and psalms. The Jewish eighteen prayer replaces the sacrifices that were previously offered daily in the temple. Even a Christian version of the Jewish eighteen prayer for the Sabbath is found in the later Apostolic Constitutions. In this way, Gentile Christians evidently wanted to facilitate integration into church life for Jewish Christians. The Jewish form of prayer, the Beraka, a short blessing praise consisting of a single extended invocation, is also widely used among Christians (eulogetos cf. Lk 1.68; Eph 1.3; 1 Petr 1.3). In terms of content, however, the Christians are increasingly setting their own priorities, as is the case with the Beraka on bread and wine, which they interpret and reshape in a Christian way (cf. Didaché). Christian transformation and an increasing self-expression can be found especially in longer forms of prayer such as prayers for prayer, prayers for the consecration of water or ordination. The testimonies for the freely performed Eucharistic prayer from the 1st and 2nd centuries attest to a wide variety of forms of Eucharistic practice. Some early traditions suggest that the celebration of the Lord's Supper is closely related to the Mediterranean symposium. While early forms of prayer such as the Eucharist prayer in the Didaché (around 100) or the Syrian anaphora of Addai and Mari still have direct correspondences to the Jewish dessert prayer, the Judeo-Christian relationship in later prayer texts is mainly shown formally in their two-part structure: In a first, anamnetic part, God is praised for his proven feat in history. Against this background of the manifested history of salvation, requests are made to God in a second, epicletic part. In terms of content, the Christians are increasingly setting their own accents, for example by emphasizing the breaking of bread, which at times gave the entire Lord's Supper its name, through the incorporation of existing prayer texts or through the reference to the words of institution within the prayer since the 2nd / 3rd century. In analogy to synagogue practice, a verbal part of the worship service with scripture reading and interpretation is established, with the type and number of readings varying between the individual local churches.

Justin, the martyr, gives an insight into the course of a Sunday Eucharistic celebration around the year 150 through his presentation in the First Apology. After reading the scriptures and an address by the ruler, the general prayer and the kiss of peace follow. Then bread, wine and water are brought to the ruler. "He receives the gifts and sends up praise and praise to the Father of All through the name of the Son and the Holy Spirit and gives a longer thanksgiving that we are appreciated through him. When he has finished the prayers and the thanksgiving , all the people present agree with amen. " Deacons then distribute the gifts of bread and wine about which the prayer has been spoken to the believers and also share them with the absent members of the congregation.

Justin does not pass on a direct prayer text. At least one of these can be found in the Traditio Apostolica from the period between 210 and 235. The prayer begins with a tripartite dialogue between the chairman and the other participants as an introduction to the preface. This is followed by a great thanksgiving in the form of an anamnesis of Christ, which flows into the words of institution. This is followed by anamnesis prayer with a request for an offering and an epicle reading, which lead to doxology and are finally concluded with an amen acclamation.

With the growing distance to the first witnesses and the demarcation from diverse cultures and cults that are assimilated into the Roman Empire, in particular from Gnostic ideas, Hellenistic syncretism and the increasing presence of mystery religions, the question of their own becomes more acute for the communities. Christian identity. The reference to their objective, historical foundations and in this context in particular the reference back to the apostles is gaining in importance. Texts now lay claim to apostolic authorship.The rule of faith grows with apostolic authority, unwritten traditions are justified by their alleged apostolic origin and - for example in the Easter festival controversy - sustainably represented. Individual congregations trace their origins back to the foundation by one of the apostles and, through lists of names, prove an unbroken chain of tradition of their rulers (Papias, Hegesipp) that goes back to the apostles. The growing episcopes thus embody the continuity to the origin as it were in person. At the same time, the process of concentrating all leadership functions within community life on a single episcopal begins in the middle of the 2nd century (cf. Ignatius letters at the end (!) Of the 2nd century ./4th century). The episcope presides over the celebration of the Eucharist in communion with the group of presbyters.

The development of Christology with the question of the relationship between being God and being human in Jesus Christ as well as the question of the relationship between the body of the historical Jesus (including his suffering and death) and the Eucharistic body lead, especially in the West, to a pronounced understanding of sacrifice Eucharist (presentation of a constantly renewed, realistic, iterative offering of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ; see chapter 11, occidental-Latin patristics) and thus the development of a Christian conception of priests since the time of Tertullian at the end of the 2nd century. Thus, the episcope grows with development the Eucharistic celebration, which he presides over with the presbyters, to a form of worship and cult, a (sacrificial) priestly and mystagogical task that further strengthens his position analogous to the recognized position of the priests of the cults established in public life (Cyprian from Ka rthago).

Developments in the context of the Roman Empire

With the end of the great persecution in the Roman Empire and the connection of ever larger parts of the population to the church, which emerged from its secrecy, the form of the worship service changed with its external situation. Since the middle of the 3rd century, the Latin language has been gaining importance in Christian worship in the western provinces. The division of the empire in the 4th century shifted the political, intellectual, cultural and cultic focus of the Roman Empire to Constantinople, which was specially built as a Christian counterpart to pagan Rome.

In the western part of the empire, on the other hand, efforts are being made to retain the traditional importance of the city of Rome and are now emphasizing their own Latin culture. In this context, an entirely Latin liturgy emerges. The previous Greek-language liturgy is not translated; rather, the whole liturgical event is transposed into the Latin world and the Western-Latin way of life. Instead of the prevailing form of hymn-praising doxology, praising God in overflowing words, as much as one can, a rather brief, periodic language is now establishing itself in the West, in accordance with Latin tradition (see Orations). Instead of commemorating the entire oikonomia of God in overflowing praise, the occidental-Latin form of the anamnesis is always fixed as concretely as possible to individual healing acts (cf. the emergence of special occasion-related prefations). Instead of exposing oneself to the mystery of the great deed of God as a whole gratefully-remembering and answering-praising, reference is more made to the concrete historical event (res gestae) and accordingly to the installation report with Lord's words, rather individual aspects such as offering, request for acceptance or specific intercessions expressed in liturgical action in a differentiated manner. The Roman Canon (cf. Prayer I) must appear as a thoroughly Roman-Latin work of art composed of individual pieces, the structure of which corresponds to the ideals of mirror-image symmetry and the Latin period structure.

The christological and theological theological disputes, which have been fought out with great violence and at numerous synods and councils since the 4th century, whereby council resolutions often acquire the status of imperial laws and thus a juridical dimension and ecclesiastical questions advance to the subject of imperial politics, favor a stronger one Standardization of church services, in particular the prayer ("Canon": "guideline"). The prayer speech that was previously largely free within a scheme is replaced by fixed texts. The prayer is followed by preparatory rites for communion. These include the Lord's prayer and the greeting of peace, which until now had its permanent place before the Eucharistic part of the celebration and is now, in accordance with North African custom, moved directly before Communion. The urban Roman bishop's liturgy with its typical assembly at a statio and subsequent procession to one of the main churches in Rome leads to the expression of opening rites (entry, kyrie, gloria), which are finally given a permanent place in the Eucharist.

Franconian-Germanic influences

The decline of the Western Roman Empire and the strengthening of the Frankish-Germanic ethnic groups are not without consequences for the celebration of the Eucharist in the West. According to the Frankish-Germanic horizon of understanding, the focus shifts from the real symbolic celebration of the Mysterion (= sacramentum) to a more material-objective realism in which the ancient church, Greek-influenced understanding of "symbol" no longer corresponds to a real meaning. As a consequence, this paradigm shift is also tangible in the field of church music, e.g. in the tropation (= underlay of each individual note with a text syllable) of the Hallelujah melisms that overflow in the sense of a jubilee, from which the song-like sequences that are popular with the people emerge, but their texts are often doctrinal objectionable.

With the strengthening of the Franconian Empire in the 8th century, the Carolingians striving for greater political and cultural uniformity among the heterogeneous ethnic groups came to the fore. This also applies to the Eucharistic liturgy, which is celebrated in many different ways in the individual regions and which is widespread in the form of Gallican rites with regional characteristics. Since the middle of the 8th century, more and more liturgical books have been compiled, in which, in addition to the normative Roman sources, which, however, stem mainly from the solemn form of the station liturgy, local traditions and elements of private piety also find their way. This leads to the written fixation of various Gaulish-Franconian forms of the Roman bishop's liturgy, which is adapted to the simpler rural conditions in the Franconian (often monastic-monastic) centers (see main altar and side altars as an image for the Roman station churches) and in Over time, these formations had a decisive influence on liturgical practice throughout the West.

The concentration of the Eucharistic celebration, like all liturgical celebrations in general, on the clergy, i.e. in particular on an emancipating priest class that is growing rapidly up to a size of one or two percent of the population, which due to the integration of the church structures in the feudal society in the Franconian Empire recognized social position as the actual, gradually even sole bearer of the liturgy, who reads the mass in the authority assigned to him, at which the people of lay people only attend (the mass "hears"), is also manifested in the spatial separation from Chancel and nave, for example, through the erection of altar barriers (rood screens) and the liturgical use of the Latin language, which is not widely used by the people. Since the 9th century, the canon, which has been enriched with numerous private prayers and gestures such as bowing and signs of the cross, has also been spoken only softly, so that it remains inaudible outside the sanctuary.

Instead of the procession of gifts, there is a preparation of gifts shaped by the Germanic idea of ​​sacrifice. Analogous to the canon, this is reshaped by offering prayers ("small canon"). The Germanic-Franconian understanding of sacrifice comes to the fore in the sense of offering "for" related to specific concerns. The term "hostia", which originated in the area of ​​the sacrificial cult, now supersedes the term "oblata", which in turn took the place of "eucharistia" in the 4th century. Instead of praising thanksgiving, according to the Germanic way of thinking, the idea of ​​sacrifice with an emphasis on request and atonement comes to the fore. In the celebration of the Eucharist, grace seems to become tangible, as it were. Their fruits benefit the celebrating priest in a special way, which he can apply according to his intention, e.g. for the eternal salvation of a deceased person or the attainment of a specific cause. The faithful bring their gifts - instead of the omitted Eucharistic gift procession - now as a direct donation for the livelihood of the priest; In return, according to the Germanic understanding of the contract, they are entitled to receive the gift of grace imparted qua intention from the celebration of the Mass. As a result, the occasions for the celebration of the Eucharist and with it their frequency increase rapidly. This is how forms are created for more and more saints' memories, for votive masses and for all days of the week. The mediaeval foundation and scholarship system leads to an extreme increase in consecrated, mostly uneducated, vagabond priests who make do with fair readings on an industrial scale. Attempts to remove the excesses are unsuccessful: for example, the decision to limit the number of masses to one mass per altar and day leads to the installation of additional side altars in the churches instead of reducing the number of masses.

Accentuations in the Middle Ages

The silent mass without singing and assistance, often read by the priest alone as a private mass without other participants with a certain intention, is de facto becoming the rule. From this perspective, additional elements such as assistance and singing appear as ceremonial accessories that appear appropriate for solemn occasions, but otherwise can be omitted without affecting the legal validity of the mass. The solemn form of the Mass liturgy (Ordo Missae secundum usum Romanae Curiae), which was formed in accordance with the practice of the papal chapel and originated from the Roman Curia, which has been strengthened since the Gregorian reform, is only relevant for the main solemn services on Sundays and high feasts (cf. Conversely, the practice of the closed, silent mass was established at the Roman Curia, so that a corresponding Ordo Missae was issued at the beginning of the 13th century, which was quickly spread throughout the West, particularly through the Franciscan order. The stipulation that at least one altar servant must be present at every mass is intended to counteract the grossest excesses in the practice of private masses.

The form of thought that predominates in the West and is based on the paradigm of objective realism promotes an understanding of the Eucharist that is predominantly oriented towards the material side of the sacrament, especially the shape of bread. Increased reverence, fear of spilling the chalice or the loss of the smallest bits of bread lead to a change in communion practice. Chalice communion comes entirely from practice, which is theologically legitimized by the doctrine of concomitancy in the 13th century. Since 9/10 During the celebration of the Eucharist, a special unleavened bread is used that has nothing in common with ordinary bread. This is baked in the form of small, bite-sized wafers for oral communion, which is being practiced and which has also been received in a kneeling position since the 11th century. The practice-related breaking of bread is therefore not necessary and is reduced to a symbolic act at the priest's host.

In any case, the frequency of communion is declining more and more, so that the IV Lateran Council in 1215 makes communion at Easter mandatory for all believers at least once a year. Analogous to the procession of gifts, the communion procession also disappears with the decrease in the frequency of communion. Instead of real participation in the one bread, there is its adoring contemplation (communion on the eyes) and adoration. Since 1200, the custom of the post-consecration elevation of the priestly host, which is stylized and enlarged for this purpose, has spread from Paris.

The participation of the people is reduced to being present at a clergy-centered Eucharistic celebration, the center of which is increasingly seen in an act of consecration that can be directly linked to the words of the Lord. The chime of change shows the faithful gathered in the nave away from the chancel the moment of this metaphysical event, which was theologically developed in the doctrine of transubstantiation in the High Middle Ages. From Paris there are reports of people who, in extreme cases, rush from church to church in order to be able to attend the moment of consecration (change) just in time, to see the raised host and thus receive a personal share in the grace that has been imparted. Since the consecration formula, which is understood as the effective cause of transubstantiation, is spoken half aloud, a reduced understanding of the Eucharist is not only solidified among the people as a superstitious distortion of the Eucharistic event (the formula "hocus-pocus", however, only dates from the 17th century etymological reference to the consecration formula by no means unambiguous).

anti-reformatory accentuation

The prevailing abuses, widespread magical-superstitious ideas that are also reflected in the practice of the celebration of mass, as well as the counter-Reformation impetus of the Council of Trent (1545-1563) lead to a revision of the Messordo, which with the promulgation of the Roman missal under Pius V. ends in 1570. The aim of this revised version is to restore the "time-honored norm of the fathers". Due to a lack of knowledge of the sources and the developments in the history of liturgy, the scholars entrusted with this task at the time resorted to the missal of 1474 (Missale secundum consuetudinem Romane Curie) and the ordo published in 1495 by the papal master of ceremonies Johannes Burckard of Strasbourg Servandus returned by Sacerdotem in Celebrated Missae. With this, the silent priest mass with various ceremonial additions for solemn occasions becomes the church norm of the Latin rite.

While the missal from 1570 spread rapidly in Austria, Hungary and Poland, for example, in Milan or Lyon, with permission, the previous liturgical practice is retained: own traditions that have been in use for more than 200 years may continue in the future. In large areas of Italy, for example, the Ambrosian rite remains decisive. In the German dioceses of Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Cologne and Trier, as well as in Constance, individual corrections to the previous missal books will initially remain. Numerous orders, including Dominicans, Premonstratensians and Carthusians, hold fast to their own liturgy of the Mass. In France, after the initial reception of the Roman Missal, from the middle of the 17th century in the context of Jansenism, Enlightenment and Gallicanism in most dioceses, individual liturgies came to the fore again for about two centuries, partly with recourse to old local traditions. Overall, however, the Roman missal is increasingly gaining acceptance, displacing its own traditions and setting a uniform global standard.

The celebration of the Mass liturgy is homogenized by the Roman Missal of 1570, the ceremonial practice is regulated by rubrics. The number of prefaces drops to eleven, from the abundance of sequences only four remain. The previously large number of forms for votive masses is being cut considerably: one votive mass form is provided for each day of the week, plus ten votive masses for special concerns. Local feast calendars merge into the Roman calendar and the number of feasts is significantly reduced.

The idea of ​​the church as a structured society is made visible in the building of the church: the high altar with tabernacle now forms the sole center of liturgical events. Here the priest reads his mass. All liturgical functions are combined in the office of the priest. This is ceremonially supported at the celebration of mass by altar servants, who are interpreted clerically from the priesthood and towards it (cf. Italian chierico, chierichetto). The people - if present at all - attend the priest mass from the nave, but are not actively involved in the liturgical celebration itself. Instead of the people, altar servers give the celebrating priest the intended answers in the dialogue parts. The people are practically not aware of what is happening as supernatural. Instead, the believers present have been performing since 17./18. Century. Parallel to the mass, coordinated "private" (i.e. non-liturgical) devotional exercises such as rosary, mass devotions or folk singing.The form of the praying mass, which has spread in the German-speaking area since the end of the 18th century, is the consequence of the growing desire to include the faithful in their mother tongue, if not in the actual liturgical celebration itself, then at least synchronized with it . Even the sacramental communion of the believers no longer appears as part of the actual celebration of mass, in which the sacrificial event and the cult of God are at the center and which is regarded as self-contained. The aspect of real presence, on the other hand, is expressed in an expanded form in the Eucharistic cult, the aspect of the grace-imparting sacrament in the separate dispensation of the sacraments by the priest, which sometimes extends to independent communion devotions on special dates. Instead, piety promotes spiritual communion.

Reforms to the Roman Missal

When introducing the Missal of 1570, Pius V in the Apostolic Constitution Quo Primum assumes the fundamental immutability of the Ordo Missae now presented. Nevertheless, the Roman Missal was reissued as early as 1604 under Clemens VIII and Urban VIII in 1634, albeit with only minor changes to the rubrics and individual texts. Such changes to rubrics, forms and the calendar have to be registered again and again during the following centuries. This is particularly true of the time of the pontificate of Pius IX. (1846-1978) and Leo XIII. (1878-1903) too. Finally, under Pius X. (1903-1914) a more extensive new edition of the Roman Missal was prepared, which, however, was not made until after the First World War under Benedict XV. (1914-1920) appears.

Since the middle of the 19th century, the development of the sources on the history of the church has also led to an in-depth study of developments in the history of the liturgy. One of the first centers of liturgy-historical interest is the Benedictine Abbey of Solesmes, founded by Guéranger in 1837, which advocates a (restorative) renewal of the liturgy from its sources. From Solesmes, Maurus and Placidus Wolter found the Abbey of Beuron. From there the translation of the Roman Missal by Anselm Schott OSB is widely used. These, as well as numerous other national language translations, contribute to an improved possibility for the faithful to co-celebrate the mass. Leo XIII. 1897 lifts the bans on vernacular translations that have been repeatedly enacted since the 17th century and paves the way for the dissemination of the folk mess books.

In church music, Cecilianism contributes to a renewal and increased active participation of the faithful. In his instruction Tra le sollicitudini from 1903, which is oriented towards church music, Pius X. (1903-1914) expresses the demand for an active participation of the faithful in the mysteries and the public and solemn prayer of the Church. At the latest with the speech by Lambert Beauduin OSB at the Katholikentag in Mechelen in 1909, the concern of the liturgical movement was given a concrete profile and was increasingly having a broad impact in Central Europe. The liturgical approaches in the subsequent period are varied and include the theology of the liturgy (e.g. Herwegen, Casel from Maria Laach), the history of the liturgy (e.g. Jungmann) as well as liturgical educational work (e.g. Pius Parsch from Klosterneuburg). The liturgical movement gains a broad base in the parishes (e.g. German High Mass), especially among young people (e.g. Bund Quickborn, Ludwig Wolker, Romano Guardini's work "Vom Geist der Liturgie" 1918, introduction of the Christ the King Festival 1925). Together with a newly accentuated image of the church and the work on pneumatology, the demands for a reform of the liturgy are increasing.

After the 2nd World War Pius XII. with the encyclical Mediator Dei of 1947, the cause of the liturgical movement became his own and set up a commission for the renewal of the liturgy. 1951-55 was followed by a reform of the liturgy of Easter Vigil and Holy Week, in 1953 the introduction of the basic possibility of evening mass, in 1957 a related softening of the regulations on Eucharistic sobriety. Reform needs and approaches are also articulated through the work of the newly established liturgical institutes (1943 Paris, 1947 Trier) and international study conferences (1956 Assisi, 1959 Nijmegen).

After the announcement of the Second Vatican Council by John XXIII. In 1959, parallel to the preparations for the Council, in 1960 the introduction of the Pius XII. prepared Codex Rubricarum, which provides for corrections to the previously applicable rubrics and changes to the festival calendar, as well as for the new edition of the Roman Missal in 1962. A quarter of all entries for the preparation of the council concern questions of the liturgy.

At the council itself (1962-65) the liturgical constitution Sacrosanctum Concilium is the first scheme to be adopted (1963). Chapter 2 of this constitution (Art. 47-58) deals explicitly with the mystery of the Eucharist and expresses the concern that the faithful should no longer attend the Eucharistic celebration as outsiders or mute spectators, but that they should participate consciously, piously and actively (Art . 48). The council gave the order to revise the Ordo Missae accordingly (Art. 50) and decided on some guidelines: The meaning of the individual parts and their context should emerge more clearly, the rites should be simpler and, correspondingly, old traditions should be more original. The liturgy of the word should again be given greater weight (Art. 51, 56), while the homily (Art. 52) and General Prayer (Art. 53) should be given the meaning they deserve. Finally, the Council also strengthens the use of mother tongues in the celebration of the Eucharist (Art. 54) and opens up the possibility of concelebration (Art. 57, 58).

Liturgical reform after the II.Vatican Council

The revision of the Ordo Missae in accordance with the Council's specifications took place from 1964 onwards by the Council for the Implementation of the Liturgy Constitution (Liturgierat), which, after completion of the work in 1969, was organizationally merged with the Congregation of Rites in the newly established Congregation for Divine Worship.

In a first step, a provisional version of the revised measuring regulations was officially introduced on January 27, 1965. For example, the opening rites and the liturgy of the word are no longer celebrated from the altar, the vernacular can be used outside of prayer and the priests are free to face the people (versus populum). The further revision of the Ordo Missae will take a few more years. Paul VI personally influences the progress of the work several times: at his request, the sign of the cross at the beginning of the Eucharistic celebration and the previous canon, albeit in a slightly revised form, are retained. Instead of a profound revision of the canon, three alternative texts of prayer are placed alongside it.

Through the Apostolic Constitution "Missale Romanum" of April 3, 1969 Paul VI. officially introduced the redesigned Ordo Missae and the new festival calendar. The new missal was published in 1970. The German edition will be introduced on the first Sunday of Lent in 1976 after translation, approval and papal confirmation. After a second improved edition of the Latin Missal in 1975, a third authentic edition was published under John Paul II in 2002, which made individual changes in the meantime, such as the addition of six further Eucharistic prayers, orationes super populum, further Mass forms and changes in canon law ( CIC / 1983).

Because of its inherent historicity, it can be expected that the celebration of the Eucharist will continue to be subject to further developments within the dynamic continuity of tradition.

 

 

 

The last supper

Early Christian Lord's Supper Practice

Developments in the context of the Roman Empire

Franconian-Germanic influences

Accentuations in the Middle Ages

anti-reformatory accentuation

Reforms to the Roman Missal

Liturgical reform after the Second Vatican Council