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Towards A Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar 9789718755099

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Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar

Bon Jovi Bernardo

Towards A Filipino History: A Festschrift For Zeus Salazar

Portia L. Reyes Editor

Towards a Filipino History A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar Copyright @ 2015 Published by Bahay-Saliksikan ng Kasaysayan / Bagong Kasaysayan, Inc. (BAKAS) ISBN 978-971-8755-09-9 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner or form without the permission of the authors and publishers, except in the form of brief quotations embodied in critical articles of reviews.

Editor Portia L. Reyes Book Cover Design Nicole Angela V. Canseco Book Lay-out Eugene P. Crudo

This book is dedicated to my wonder-twins Ami and Sam.


This volume will not be possible without the help of numerous colleagues and friends. Special thanks to the contributors, who have been patient and cooperative throughout the production of this work. We appreciate Suri Sining: The Art Studies Anthology which allowed us to republish Cecilia de la Paz’s essay and Itinerario. International Journal on the History of European Expansion and Global Interaction which also granted our request to reprint my essay. Mary Jane Rodriguez-Tatel, Atoy Navarro and Vic Villan who are in charge of the festschrift volumes in Filipino have been very reassuring and always ready to assist. In particular, Prof. Navarro provided the impetus and sustained our dedication throughout this project. Kindly Prof. Rodriguez-Tatel edited my Filipino translations of some portions of the volume; while Prof. Villan connected us with personages who helped in its production. We are grateful to Eugene P. Crudo for the skillful lay-out of this festschrift and to Nicole Angela V. Canseco, for its striking cover design. We appreciate Lorenz Lasco and Jimmy Tiongson of the Bahay-Saliksikan ng Kasaysayan / Bagong Kasaysayan, Inc. (BAKAS) as well as Ferdinand Victoria for their prompt and competent assistance at the publication of this volume. Maraming salamat to my husband Jamie Davidson for reading parts of the work; and also to our kids — Ami and Sam — for being patient and understanding of their Nanay. Finally we thank Zeus Salazar for his support and inspiration. Truly he is a giant not only in Philippine historiography, but in the Philippine academy as a whole. We wish you all the best, sir. Mabuhay po kayo!

Possible mistakes that might arise from the editing of this volume are

mine and do not involve the aforementioned names.


TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments i Table of Contents ii List of Tables iv List of Maps v List of Pictures vi Celebrating Zeus Salazar 1 Portia Reyes The Role of Language in the Philippines in a


Colonial and Postcolonial Context Marlies S. Salazar Amlat and the Kapampangan Historical Tradition


(The Case for Upper Pampanga) Lino L. Dizon “The Most Humane of any that could be Adopted” The Philippine Opium Committee Report and the Imagining of the Opium Consumer’s World in Colonial Philippines, 1903-1905 Ferdinand Philip Victoria



The Appropriation of Local Culture in Museum Practices:


Problems and Possibilities for Philippine Communities Cecilia de la Paz Yearning for Nativeness 179 Wilfried Wagner Eyes on the Prize: Colonial Fantasies, the German Self, and


Newspaper Accounts of the 1896 Philippine Revolution Portia Reyes Human Rights Protection for “Naija Pinoys”:


Overseas Filipino Workers in Nigeria Saliba James Prominent Minangkabau in Java (Indonesia)


during the Japanese Occupation Gusti Asnan About the Contributors 297


LIST OF TABLES Rough Estimate of the Number of Opium Users as Submitted by Presidents of the Provincial Boards of Health and Interviewees, 1903-1904


Rough Estimate of the Amounts and Mode of Opium Use as Submitted by Reporting Presidents of the Provincial Boards of Health, 1903-1904


Opium Imports to the Philippines per Opium Report, 1899-1903 (Values ​​and duties in US currency)


Singapore Opium Exports to the Philippines and Sulu, 1898-1903


Profiles of Filipino Respondents in the Opium Report


Estimate of the Amounts of Opium Used per Consumer as Submitted by Reporting Presidents of the Provincial Boards of Health in Select Provinces and Towns, 1903-1904


Actual, Estimated Opium Revenues and Spanish Budget Projections in Pesos



LIST OF MAPS Streets with Known Opium Storehouses in Intramuros, 1903


Streets with Known Opium Dens in Binondo District, 1903


Street with Known Opium Dens in Santa Cruz / Quiapo District, 1903


Residential Places of the Minangkabau People in Java



LIST OF PHOTOS Zeus Salazar Portrait Frontispiece Dedication of Paul Fejos to Rev. Heinz Wagner


Children of the Wilderness: Film joys and film star airs in the middle of the Pacific


Siuban House 187 Siuban Men 187 Siuban Dance 188


Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar



Ditto rin mahuhulo: pagpapalitan Ng sangkaisipan nang walang pangatlo, Saklaw ng ating Loob na parang belo -Z. Salazar, “Doctrina Cristiana,” 19921

In this volume, we celebrate the life and scholarly achievements of Zeus Salazar, the Father of Pantayong Pananaw (for-us-from-us perspective). Salazar has dedicated his life to an intellectual project that has sought to bring a distinctly Filipino mindset to pedagogy, historiography and national history. I was one of his students, and one among many students and staff alike at the University of the Philippines (UP) in Diliman, Quezon City that were attracted to Salazar’s ideas and ideals, not to mention his personal charm. Uncompromisingly, he drilled into his students to be wary of a historical narrative’s perspective and underlining analytical philosophy. He provoked thought on the role and responsibilities of a historian; his incessant refrain was: ‘para kanino?’ (for whom [is this history / is this historian writing]?). Demanding disciplinal rigor, he ensured his students would be ruthless in their examination of source materials used. Specifically, Salazar was at pains to demonstrate what a history of the Philippines without colonialism as the pivot would look like. His enthusiasm for history, historical


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

research and teaching was contagious. He remains an inspiration not just among Filipino historians but to scores of researchers on Philippine culture and society. This essay provides a brief retrospective of Salazar as an historian, educator and public intellectual.

Filipino Language and Culture Salazar’s professional career began in 1968 when, fresh from completing graduate school at the Sorbonne in Paris, France, he returned to the Philippines with his young family in tow. As a faculty member of the History Department of UP Diliman, he vigorously tackled the demands of his new post. Among other things he led the charge to transform the pedagogical practice and discourse of history at the university. He railed against the norm of using the English language as the medium of academic exchange and encouraged his students to use the Filipino language (Filipino) in the classroom and in their exam papers and essay assignments. A brief two years after his return from abroad, he published an article entitled “Ang Pagtuturo ng Kasaysayan sa Pilipino” (Teaching History in Pilipino) that introduced his understanding of the intimate interlocation between language and culture. Adopting a Marxist standpoint, he argued that the historical march of Filipino culture is inseparable and inescapable from the struggle between the elite and the masses. He claimed that Maliwanag na ang pagpapalago sa kalinangang Pilipino ay may kaugnayan sa kasalukuyang pagkakasalungat ng mga uring panlipunan at sa pamamalagi mismo sa bansa. Ang “kulturang” kolonyal sa wikang inggles o kastila ng mga mapagsamantalang uri ay kasalungat ng kalinangang bayan, na kasalukuyang nagpapalaya sa sarili.2

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


For Salazar, the culture (Kultura) of the exploitative classes is borrowed and artificial. Neither organic nor truly posssessed, it only extracts from or gnaws at foreign knowledge. The exploitative classes and, specifically, their writings in Spanish or English offer little to enrich the sources of the people’s being (kalinangang bayan).

In fact, society’s upper classes tend to ridicule the

underclasses and their own knowledge for being ungooled and uncouth, a practice which Salazar deplores. He writes, ang pagpapayabong sa kalinangang Pilipino sa Pilipino ay isang napakamakabuluhang bahagi ng pakikibaka para sa isang pambansang kaayusang bunga ng (at batay sa) mapagpabagong pagpapasiya ng mga uring bayan. Isang gawaing napakamahalaga, sapagkat tumitiyak at nagbibigaykatuturan sa kakanyahang Pilipino, humuhubog, nagbubuo’t nagbibigay-saklaw sa tanaw, isip at damdaming bayan: ang tunay na kalinangan. 3

The domination of a foreign language in schools, for Salazar, has led to the estrangement of the formally educated from most of her country women. Academic work in a foreign language aims to address foreigners, while treating Filipinos as mere subjects of study and inquiry. In Salazar’s terms, they propagate


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a pangkaming (for-us) perspective, which exposes the pagkaiba (otherness) of the Filipino vis-à-vis other peoples and cultures. Unwittingly or not, knowledge becomes relevant to a foreign or foreign-educated audience but distant and even harmful to those, who are under the scholarly gaze, for they are considered different, exotic, odd or even abhorrent. Salazar was writing and espousing these ideas at a time when a liberation struggle overwhelmed UP Diliman and the country more broadly. In protest against the repressiveness of the Ferdinand Marcos regime, intellectuals collectively mounted what came to be known as “The First Quarter Storm” and the celebrated “Diliman Commune.” 4 The regime clamped down on the protesters, jailing and / or torturing numerous left -leaning staff members and students. This included Salazar, who was interred from 1971 to 1973.5 Salazar’s experience of detention weighed on him and his family profoundly, whose lives were upended amid getting accustomized to their non-European surroundings. Upon release, Salazar returned to teaching and writing. He continued to hone his ideas on the intimacy between language and culture, insistent that local academics should accept, study, understand and privilege the Filipino language. According to Salazar, if a Filipino uses Filipino, she or he will be forced to think and process the world in her or his own language and in its own terms. Language is the center piece of an individual, his or her culture and society. Illustratively, Salazar notes that wika ang natatanging paraan upang matutuhan ng isang tao ang kulturang kinabibilangan niya at kahit na iyong hindi taal sa kanya. Habang nasasanay ang bata sa wika ng kanyang ka-kultura, unti-unti siyang nahuhubog sa isip, gawi, damdamin at karanasan ng mga ito-mula sa mga pinakasimpleng kanta sa sanggol at bugtong hanggang sa mga kataas-taasang kathawa lika'tha at kaluluwa sa

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


sining, agham at literatura.6

As both a repository and source of culture, language changes and adapts to the needs and requirements of its speakers over time. Every speaker, in this regard, contributes to the development of her or his own language. Even a bilingual or a polyglot speaker, Salazar claims, enriches Filipino, since he serves as a means to the understanding of other peoples and cultures in the national language. In the discourse on the national language and culture Salazar found a like-minded scholar and an ally in the late Virgilio Enriquez, the father of Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP / Filipino Psychology). 7 As a psychology brought about by Filipino experiences, ideas and orientation , 8 SP paved the way towards the indigenization of the theory, method and practice of psychology. To realize SP, Enriquez urged psychologists and interested social scientists to 1) appropriate untried and unproven theories which could be meaningful to Filipino life and society; 2) avoid blindly following any developments in psychology abroad; 3) communicate with and recognize other psychologists in different portions of the Philippines; and 4) enrich one's trust and respect of his abilities to analyze data and information toward meaningful theories on Filipino society and culture.9 For Enriquez the fundamental basis of SP is the sincere appreciation of Filipino language, culture and perspective.10 His evaluation of the Filipino language in SP found a parallel in Salazar's, who claims


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

Ano ba ang magiging pamamaraan ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino upang mapag-aralan ang sariling mga katangian bilang grupong sosyo-cultural? Pundamental ditto ang wika sapagkat kahit na ang mga tradisyong sosyal, pangrelihiyon at ano pa man ay nakasalalay sa wika. Lalo nang dapat pagukulan ng pansin nec paksang ito sapagkat maraming mga katangian nec inilapat sa Pilipino mula pa nang madiskubre ng mga banyaga nec Pilipino.11

Together with Enriquez and other colleagues, Salazar participated in the SP discourse and contributed in enriching and propagating some of its tenets. SP became a particular school of thought that advocated (and still advances) social scientific inquiry in the Filipino language. In SP meanings are distinguished through a careful consideration of the development of language as a process in Filipino culture and history where the researcher and her / his discipline are also integrated.12 SP treats Filipino culture as a source and motivation to research; it does not treat Filipinos as targets or subjects for foreign hypotheses and experimentation. For Salazar, the Filipino intellectual, trained and practicing his profession in English in both the private and public contexts, is lost to her own people. The language that she privileges contributes to her isolation, or even entrapment, in the toreng garing (ivory tower). According to Salazar, every people, just like every individual, is rooted in their own language; their memory and understanding are processed in their own language. An intellectual, who solely thinks in and works with a foreign language, not only becomes estranged

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


from her own language and culture, but remains distant from the ills inflicting his society and indifferent to their cures. She is a 'useless intellectual,' one alienated from her own culture. 13 Salazar notes that the historian, whose preoccupation is “to determine historical data upon which he can write history,” 14 could easily be carried away in his pursuit to provide a rigorous account of what has really happened. For instance, in an effort to extract data from a document, he is confronted with an idea (or ideas), encoded as socio-linguistic symbols in the written source. He plunges into the symbolic world of the document, hoping it would be a fragment that lights up an heretofore ambiguous picture of the past. Yet, for Salazar, this is a one-sided picture of what a historian is trained to do or who he is. The historian is also a living person, breathing amid his times. He “belongs to his people, by conscious choice or through the simple operation of socio-cultural laws, his yearning for (and occassional attainment of) universality notwithstanding.” 15 The Filipino historian needs to work with and / or rebel against his country's intellectual tradition — from the formulation of his research problem through his struggle with the sources to his determination and use of historical data, because his primary audience is his countrymen, “just as the context of his comprehensibility can only be his country's intellectual-cultural tradition. ”16 In 1974 Salazar joined other UP historians to collaborate on Marcos's project to compose a series of history books on the Philippines.17 In the midst of his controversial involvement with this project, Salazar expressed concerns over the attempts to fit foreign theories (progressive, communist, liberal, or otherwise) in plotting the linearity of Philippine history. 18 While he largely persuaded his fellow historians on the p Roject, he failed to convince its financier, Marcos, to write the books in Filipino. Salazar’s participation in the project allowed him


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

to conduct research, to travel abroad and to contribute to the production of scholarly tomes. But it also put a stain on his reputation for having collaborated with the notorious regime. Salazar left the project in 1979, almost five years after his services were commissioned.

Kasaysayan: Significance in History Salazar took a leave of absence from UP and for five years, starting in the summer of 1980, held the directorship of one of the departments at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris. His tenure did not require him to live in the city, however. As such he was able to accept research fellowships with the Deutsche Akademische Austauschdienst (DAAD) and the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) that allowed him to be based at the University of Cologne.19 He and his family then spent the next five years in Germany— his wife is German — where he continued to write on Philippine history and culture. While at Cologne he helped to establish Bahay-Saliksikan sa Kasaysayan (BAKAS), a history discussion group which became the publishing arm of Bagong Kasaysayan (new history) that Salazar later pioneered in the Philippines. His article, "A Legacy of the Propaganda: the Tripartite View of Philippine History," which laid out what he deems as the Filipino concept of history and historicity, was also during this time. For an English language reading audience, he writes: our word for “history” in Tagalog does not refer to knowledge, to the search for information or to what happened in the past as such. Kasaysayan comes from saysay which means both "to relate in detail, to explain," and "value, worth, significance." In one sense, therefore, Kasaysayan is “story” (like the German Geschichte or another Tagalog term salaysay, which is probably simply an extended form of saysay).But Kasaysayan is also “explanation,” “significance,” or “relevance” (may saysay “significant, relevant”; walang saysay or walang kasaysayan, meaning “irrelevant, senseless”)

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar

Salazar claims that kasaysayan — the


historical sentiment behind

myths, legends and rituals of the inhabitants of the Philippines — see history as cyclical. Yet this understanding of historical time was undermined in the sixteenth century by the Spaniards, who in their chronicles (cronica, historia), categorized the lives and actions of the island’s peoples through the mindset of a foreign historical consciousness. Inherently linear, the latter saw the archipelago and its peoples at a stage where its people would be the grateful recipients of the benevolent actions and practices of the Spanish colonizers. Their chronicles and histories of the Philippines featured themselves as saviors and / or agents of change among a pagan population. In the nineteenth century this form of historical consciousness was inculcated by a group of educated Filipinos (ilustrados) who used the Spanish frame of reference in their intellectual campaign, known as the Propaganda Movement, for colonial reforms. To counter Spanish vilification of Filipinos in prevailing narratives, such ilustrados as Jose Rizal, Graciano Lopez-Jaena and Marcelo del Pilar introduced a new perspective and utilized what Salazar would later coin as the metaphor of light-darkness-light (hence tripartite) view of Philippine history. According to this standpoint, before the Spaniards, ancient civilizations thrived and people prospered. Then came the Spanish clerics, who extinguished this “light” and brought about a period of “darkness” (or a social cancer, according to Rizal; monastic supremacy, for del Pilar; or friarocracy, to Jaena). It follows, hence, that the friars ’expulsion would resurrect a period of light and prosperity. In two critical ways, however, the ilustrado tripartite view of history remained rooted in European judgment, form and historiography. One is the insatiable and iresistable need to prove that one’s peoples have history - that they have great men and great traditions. The other is that this History hence forms a natural basis from which a Nation emerges. This lineage, Salazar notes,


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was carried forward by subsequent generations of Filipino scholars. In fact, it outlasted the Spanish period, gained considerable ground under American tutelage and has thrived in the country's post-colonial period. 21 In its modern incarnation, the tripartite view remains, but with a twist— it associates the precolonial period with prosperity, denounces the Spanish colonial period and glorifies the American occupation. Americans are equated with the arrival of democracy, equality, and public welfare, including education and hygiene. Here Filipino historians inadvertently associate developments in Philippine history to exogenous factors. According to Salazar, the historians' entrenchment to this historiography needs to be further scrutinized, because by attaching the unfolding of our people's history to the colonial phenomenon and other exogenous factors, our historians and Filipinos in general fail to see that we are responsible for our own history, that there is (or there must be) an internal mechanism for our becoming one people, a particular thrust to our national history. In any case, there is an urgent need for rethinking the periodization of Philippine history. 22

Towards a Filipino Historiography Salazar returned to teaching at the University of the Philippines in 1986, henceforth building a reputation for his steadfast conviction on rethinking Philippine history and history-writing and the use of Filipino as the language of historical discourse. Respectful of his achievements in the academy, his cohort named him chairman of the History Department (1989-91), after which he was tabbed dean of the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy (1991-94). Coming after the fall of the Marcos regime and the return of electoral democracy to the Philippines, his tenure as chair and dean saw the resurfacing of left-

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


leaning intellectuals to public life at the university. Salazar’s ideas on history and historiography found allies among them. Like Salazar, most preferred to mitigate, if not totally eliminate, the habit of associating the Philippines with their former colonial masters and using history as a means to uplift the poor. It was at this juncture that Salazar truly began to heed his own advice and exerted efforts at rethinking the emplotment and historiography of predominant historical narratives. Like-minded colleagues and students were his interlocators in the dialogues that took place in the context of seminars, discussion groups and conferences. Traditional historiography, they agreed, is informed by four discursive mechanisms. The first is the ‘discourse of influence,’ which refers to the conceptualization of the Philippines as a weak or empty cultural zone that perpetually needs assistance from the outside. Second, traditional historiography is obsessed by the so-called ‘first-Filipino discourse.’ Here, while history illustrates the ‘first Filipino engineer, doctor and so on,’ ultimately it implies that s / he is second to American or European predecessors. Third is the "discourse of discovery," which again signifies a lack of significance against that which came before, especially with regard to the arrival of Europeans in the archipelago. The final mechanism is the ‘discourse of reaction,’ which treats the Filipino as a pawn under the colonizer’s will and desire.23 For Salazar, in the periodization of history, historians should be more aware of their historical judgment. Changes that occur in history should not be measured with external exigencies and demands, but with internal needs and circumstances. An internal mechanism must facilitate the becoming of the archipelago’s inhabitants into a people; Filipinos must regain prime agency in their own history. It is in this context in which Salazar argues for his well-known pantayong pananaw (for-us-from-us perspective) in history. Narratives should


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consider the meanings behind the particular discourse among Filipinos and give credence to the individuality of Filipinos as a nation. For him, when a group of people communicate about themselves and among themselves in their own language, they comprise a closed circuit for nagkakaintindihan ang lahat. Samakatuwid, ang lipunan at kultura natin ay may “pantayong pananaw” lang kung tayong lahat ay gumagamit ng mga konsepto at ugali na alam nating lahat ang kahulugan, pati ang relasyon ng mga kahulugan, pati ang relasyon ng mga kahul'to isa. Ito ay nangyayari lamang kung iisa ang “code” —ibig sabihin, may iisang pangkabuuang pag-uugnay at pagkakaugnay ng mga kahulugan, kaisipan at ugali. Mahalaga (at pundamental pa nga) rito ang iisang wika.24

Salazar is sincere in his belief that pantayong pananaw (PP) would inspire collective and individual responsibility for the Filipinos ’own past; blaming others for their own plight was sociologically and psychologically crippling. Prosperity and pride would be obtained through the recognition (and acceptance) of one's own mistakes. Intellectually Salazar attributes a matrix of four meanings to PP as an historiographical strain. They are: 1) an internal correspondence and interrelation of traits, values, knowledge, expertise, goals, tradition, attitude and experience of a culture; 2) a holistic culture that is enshrouded and expressed in language; 3) a self-enclosed cultural or civilizational discourse; and 4) a reality

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


within any ethnolinguistic group that is integral and sovereign.25 It follows that every culture has PP; it is a people’s worldview and understanding of themselves and their surroundings — as such, it forms the basis of their union as a group with a particular language and culture. Salazar’s introspection on Filipino agency in their own history found an ear and and interlocator in Prospero Covar, champion of Pilipinolohiya (Filipinology) which refers to the systematic study of the Filipino psyche and Filipino culture and society. Here, Filipino culture pertains to the language and all the branches of art including music, painting, sculpture, dance, architecture, drama, literature, film, philosophy and even religion. 26 Pilipinolohiya aims at using social scientific research to 'free' (distinguish and emphasize the Filipinoness of) Filipino ideas, culture and society and not compromise them through ill-fitting foreign theory and valuation. 27 According to Covar, unlike a Philippine Studies scholar who treats Filipinos or their country as mere research cases, a Filipinologist commits himself and his work towards the realization of a kabihasnan (national civilization). In Pilipinolohiya, Covar continues, the basis of the Filipino Self are Filipino experiences, while the Filipino system of thought, culture and society are markers of the Filipino nation and nationhood. 28 Studies in Pilipinolohiya discusses the Filipino people with Filipinos in Filipino; they employ an emic approach to research. In agreement with Covar, Salazar suggests the potential of Pilipinolohiya in furthering research: Implicitly, Pilipinolohiya's concern is to report and explain about Pilipinas to Filipinos in their own terms and with a view to strengthening Filipino nationality, to pursuing Filipino national goals and ideals (pambansang adhikain at mithiin). It is in this sense that Pilipinolohiya constitutes the basis for knowing or studying (and understanding) other nationalities


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and cultures in the world within “area studies” which the University of the Philippines is just beginning to develop.29 Salazar envisions Pilipinolohiya as a disciplinal platform to privilege the Filipino I / eye over the institutionalized practice of appropriating the Eurocentric and / or Anglocentric perspective in social scientific inquiry about the Philippines, the Filipinos and their related concerns in the region and around the world. Along with Covar, he strove (and still strives) to convince colleagues and students, who have otherwise written their works in English, to write in Filipino (including me!). Increasingly Salazar and his interlocators among colleagues and students at UP became convinced of furthering a systemic approach in which to propagate the possibilities of this new historiographical strain. In 1989 they established the history organization ADHIKA (Asosasyon ng mga Dalubhasa, may Hilig at Interes sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas / Organization of Experts, Curious, and Interested in the History of the Philippines). It sought to advocate bagong kasaysayan (new history), bagong historiograpiyang Pilipino (new Filipino historiography), and pantayong pananaw through seminars, discussion, national conferences and publication of variegated historical works. 30 Like Salazar, founders of this organization, who included respected scholars Bernadette Abrera, Ferdinand Llanes, Nilo Ocampo and Jaime Veneracion, were convinced ADHIKA would facilitate the realization of their historical philosophy and convictions— they were going back to the sources of Filipino history, to the Filipino people themselves, for the Filipinos themselves. Reiterating his claims from the 1960s, Salazar asserts that a dambuhalang pagkakahating pangkalinangan (great cultural divide) exists in contemporary Filipino society. In his 1991 article “Ang Pantayong Pananaw Bilang Discursong

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


Pangkabihasnan ”(Pantayong Pananaw as Civilizational Discourse) he claims Sa kalahatan ay dalawang kalinangan sa pakahulugang antropolohikal ang nakapaloob at maaring sumaklaw sa kasalukuyang lipunang Pilipino — ang“ kulturang nasyonal ”na nagasy sa Propaganda bilangkationa (nagasy sa Propaganda bilangkationa ng pamumuno ng elite at ang “kalinangang bayan” bilang kinalabasan ng proseso ng pagkabuo ng mga pamayanang Pilipino sa isang Bayang Pilipino, ang Inang Bayan ng Himagsikan 1896.31

Filipino intellectuals of the Propaganda Movement first conceived “national culture” in the Spanish language (la nación / patria filipina); revolutionists appropriated this conciousness in their armed campaign for political independence; and successive presidents of the country promoted it during their terms of office. “People’s culture,” Salazar reasons, is borne out of the collective historical experience of Filipino communities who were forced to become a nation in order to rebel against Western colonialism. Neither a foreign language nor foreign ideas had been used to express this historical experience. While the elite expressed their thoughts and vision in a foreign language, the Filipino revolutionary underclass — especially members of the so-called messianic movements of the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries — used either Tagalog or other Filipino languages. They communicated among one another, wrote and sung in their local tongue. However, their voices (and hence, their way of thought) were lost in the official accounts written by members of the elite class.


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

At this juncture Salazar and his colleagues in the campaign to develop Bagong Kasaysayan urged other intellectuals to consider another method at discovering historical data. For this school of thought, language is not just a tool for communication, but a reservoir of a people’s history. Words provide clues about a mindset of a period and of a people and so serve as a rich source of information across time. In the 1990s, when the country was gearing up for the centennial anniversary of the 1896 Revolution and the 1898 Declaration of Philippine Independence, this analytical philosophy found a receptive audience among intellectuals interested in the study of the ideas of heroism and nationhood. For Salazar, a particular pook pangkasaysayan (place in history) frames kabayanihan (heroism). He explains: Dinaranas pa rin ng Pilipinas ang kawalan ng kabuuan. Hati pa rin ang lipunang nasyonal na katumbas ng pagkakahiwalay ng kulturang maka-kanluranin ng elite at kalinangang bayan ng nakararami. Ditto umiinog ang kabayanihan ng Pilipino na nagsimula sa pagkaunawa sa bayani bilang tagapagsagawa ng gawain at tungkulin para sa kabuuang lipunan, bayan man ito o estadong bayan. Ang kalagayang ito ay unti-unting nawasak sa karamihan sa mga grupong Pilipino sa pagsapit ng kolonyalismo. Sa pakikipagtunggali rito nabuo ang nasyon sa halip ng bayan bilang kabuuang sumasaklaw sa arkipelagong Pilipino. Ang ibinunga nito ang pagkakahating pangkalinangan ng mga Pilipino: ang elite na maka-Kanluranin at ang bayan na naka-ugat sa Kalinangang Pilipino. 32

The heroism associated with the revolutionary leader Andres Bonifacio and Jose Rizal, for Salazar, is emblemic of two national projects that aimed to compete with or substitute for the Spanish colonial order of the nineteenth century. While Rizal was identified as the Spanish heroe among the elite ‘Filipinos’ (educated class), Bonifacio was recognized as the Filipino bayani among the poor Tagalogs. Salazar illustrates the difference between the two concepts by identifying the subtext of bayani, glimpsed through historical dictionaries and a complex array of ethnographical materials. He concludes that whereas heroe is borrowed, Ang katagang “bayani” ay taal sa Tagalog, tulad ng “bagani” sa Bagobo — ibig sabihin, hindi hiram. Mga manang kataga ang dalawa, mula pa sa mga ninunong Austronesyano. Magiging hiram na kataga ang “bayani” sa Bahasa Melayong “berani” halimbawa, kung ang anyo ng katagang Tagalog ay naging “balani” tulad ng “balani” sa “batu balani” na katagang hiram sa Malayong “batu berani”… Bukod ditto ginamit ni Otto Dempwolff ang Tagalog na “bayani,” kasama ng Malayong “berani” at Dyawang “wani” sa muling pagbuo ng katagang Austronesyanong “bagani” o “kawalang takot.” 33 [emphasis in the original] That Bonifacio is regularly documented as bayani across time signifies recognition that he embodies the qualities assigned to the term by early communities of the archipelago. Bonifacio belongs to the line of leaders who have


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

striven to either reconstitute or unify bayan. According to Salazar, Bonifacio’s execution at the hands of his rival Aguinaldo and his henchmen signals not just the end of a cultural project, but represents the triumph of the political project nación Filipina (Philippine nation) of his executioners, namely, the elite. Historiographically Salazar draws on the hermeneutical tradition. In his use of a complex array of ethnographical materials, oral custom and old lexicons, he has enjoined his readers to embark on rehabilitating authority and tradition in historiography. His work unravels the historical significance of a dizzying etymology of concepts vis-à-vis particular contexts and events, relaying that the Filipino culture’s being and understanding are inherently linguistic. Interestingly, Salazar also integrates playfulness in his work. For example, by linking batu belani with bayani, Salazar conjures Filipino folktales that feature a magical stone that ordinary folks need to swallow before they could become their superhero Self and serve their people. But similar to other works leaning towards hermeneutics as an analytical philosophy, his research provides carefully selected, interconnected fragments of historical meanings to buttress his argument about history. He relates his complex narrative to a phenomenon that an audience experiences and understands, therewith showcasing a complete hermeneutical circle of understanding. 34

"Retirement" from Teaching In 2000 Salazar retired from teaching at UP. But he soon proved to not have Sitzfleisch — he held a Visiting Professorial Lectureship with De la Salle University in Manila for four years.35 Meanwhile, he has continued to write prodigiously. Since his “retirement,” he has written more than ten singleauthored and collaborative books, some five short monographs and countless

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


essays. Colleagues and students imbibed in the PP project followed suit and also wrote history essays and monographs, further distinguishing and reinforcing their group’s position as a school of thought in historiography.In 2003, members of this school of thought participated in what would become the annual history seminar workshop of the history organization BAKAS (Bahay-Saliksikan sa Kasaysayan), which was established in Germany about twenty years earlier. In 2004, its members distinguished Salazar as the Ama ng Pantayong Pananaw (Father of Pantayong Pananaw) and Ama ng Bagong Historyograpiyang Pilipino (Father of New Filipino Historiography). BAKAS has not been alone in celebrating Salazar’s storied academic career. Across the years institutions have recognized Salazar’s contribution to the Philippine academy. The Pambansang Samahan ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino (PSSP / National Union of Filipino Psychology) awarded him Gawad Pagkilala in 1980; the Linangan ng mga Wika ng Pilipinas (Development of Languages ​​in the Philippines) distinguished him with Gawad Pagkilala in 1991; the UP Sentro ng Wikang Filipino (UP Center for Filipino Language), with Gawad Lope K. Santos in 1996; the UP Dalubhasaan ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya (UP College of Social Sciences and Philosophy), with Natatanging Alumnus in 2000; the PSSP, with Gawad Sikolohiyang Pilipino in 2002; the Naga City Council for Culture and the Arts and the Bicol Regional Council for Culture and the Arts, with Gawad Bikolinismo: Most Outstanding Bikolano Artist for the Literary Arts in 2009; the Unyon ng mga Manunulat sa Pilipinas (Union of Writers of the Philippines), with the Gawad Pambansang Alagad ni Balagtas in 2009; the Wika ng Kultura at Agham, Inc. (Language of Culture and Sciences, Inc.) with Gawad Bayani ng Wika in 2009; the Municipality of Tiwi, Bicol, with Gawad Tibay Tiwinhon in 2010; the San Beda College Alumni Association, with Bedan Alumni Award / Distinguished Bedan for Social Science Award in 2012; and the Kolehiyo ng Agham

REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar


at Sining, Poletiknikong Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (College of Arts and Sciences, Polytechnic University of the Philippines), with Gawad Kalatas in 2013. In the following year, on the occasion of the BAKAS annual conference on history, he was awarded with Gawad Bagong Kasaysayan to recognize his extraordinary contribution in advocating PP and the new Filipino historiography. Salazar has been instrumental in the Filipinization of the country’s historiography. PP established a new breed of Filipino historians who persevere in determining the internal mechanism (s) that allow for change in Filipino history. PP as a school of thought has contributed in establishing Filipino as the language of history, discourse, and intellectual exertion. Not coincidentally, the number of MA theses and Ph.D. dissertations in Filipino at UP and universities in Manila has grown exponentially.36 In an effort to influence historical views, pedagogy and the profession, PP proponents continue to reach out and discuss their research with primary and secondary schools ’teachers in annual history conferences. Salazar, his students and colleagues have not been spared of critique among fellow scholars in the Philippines. Detractors have accused PP proponents of provincialism, ethnocentrism, closed mindedness and dismissive of the politico-economic factors that underpin change in modern history, charges that Salazar refutes. The movement’s advocates continue to carry on with the PP discourse in print and other fora, serving as dynamic proof of the entrenchment of Filipino and the Filipino perspective in the study of the Philippines and Filipinos. A foreign scholar may no longer claim to study Philippine history, culture and society without first learning Filipino or / and any other Filipino language.

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


Celebrating Zeus Salazar The essays contained in this volume serve to celebrate Zeus Salazar’s career and service to the Filipino academy. In “The Role of Language in the Philippines in a Colonial and Postcolonial Context,” Marlies S. Salazar tackles the development of language studies in the Philippines. She argues that the Spaniards and Americans used language studies to perpetuate their authority over the islands. She notes that from the sixteenth century onwards Spaniards rendered some Philippine languages ​​“understandable” by measuring and awkwardly associating them with Latin and Spanish grammar and rhetoric. Rendering them thoroughly knowable, however, remained elusive. The Americans, for their part, mistakenly measured the languages ​​of the mountainous regions of northern Luzon against other Indo-European languages. Salazar claims that it was only in the 1930s when Filipinos started to push back against the extensive external influence on the study of Philippine languages. It took another forty odd years, she continues, for Filipino to be studied seriously and used as a language of intellectual exchange in the country’s premier state university. Lino L. Dizon’s “Amlat and the Kapampangan Historical Tradition” is a plaidoyer for the adoption of an autonomous historiography in Pampanga's local histories. Dizon laments that early Pampanga histories, even those in the Kapampangan language, relied on colonial sources to the detriment of oral accounts and local histories. He finds it ironic that an outsider, John Larkin, wrote what is considered as the first serious history of the region. Nevertheless, Dizon asserts that Larkin glossed over nuances in Pampanga's narrative for he had not fully harnessed available Kapampangan historical materials. This pertains especially so to the participation of the people of Pampanga in the Philippine Revolution. For Dizon, Pampanga's history would be more complete


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

if it accounted for amlat (legend) and kaselaysayan (history) in addition to colonial sources. Dizon champions the mining of knowledge from folklore, folktales, folksongs and literature in history-writing. In Ferdinand Philip Victoria’s chapter on the 1905 Report of the Philippine Opium Commission, he claims that the Report catapulted the United States ’campaign against drug trade and, consequently, its rise as a morally upright empire. Initiated by the newly arrived American administrators, the report featured interviews with Filipino physicians and administrators concerning opium use, bringing to the fore the ethnic, cultural and socio-economic dimension of drug abuse across the islands. According to Victoria, the Report convinced American policy makers of the viability of "progressive prohibition." He asserts, however, that the American officials were not entirely to blame for the state’s punitive stance against users. Responsibility should be shared by their Filipino interlocutors. Cecilia de la Paz examines the repercussions of contemporary museum practice of displaying objects of everyday life, as these displays play a prominent political role in the identity construction and the imagination of the Filipino nation. She contends that at the national museum such displays tend to exoticize and estrange the Filipino to the viewing Filipino audience. As reified objects, the collection and the displayed embody representations of loss — innocence, purity, meaning — in Filipino culture. Instead, De la Paz champions the establishment of living museums. Drawing on her experience in Negros Occidental, she asserts that communities should be (with assistance) responsible for conceiving, collecting, displaying and maintaining objects at their local museums. Regularly, displays could be changed as views of the community changes. In this way, the museum would serve as an ideal place of learning and engagement for the

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


community upon which is also on display. In Wilfried Wagner’s “Yearning for Nativeness,” the European fascination with and search for his natural self, first articulated by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, is intertwined with the colonial conquest of the Asian and African world. Wagner purports that the Europeans ’hunger to see and experience their lost innocence encouraged the collection and display of ensembles and appendages of‘ discovered ’peoples in museums or, sometimes,‘ universal exhibition ’in Western metropolises from the nineteenth century onwards. Wagner intimates that a similar drive - a yearning to capture nativeness - was behind celebrated director Paul Fejòs’s pursuit, in 1937, to capture the Siuban on Mentawai of the Netherlands East Indies in a documentary. But Fejòs’s yearning might have been compromised by his equally urgent desire to relay a visually engaging ‘scripted’ film - for dramatization, for instance, he falsely inserted foreign objects as objects of the Siuban’s daily life. His financiers in Stockholm found the outcome inferior, so they dispatched a company official to ostensibly assist Fejòs in filming further documentaries. My essay recounts the unique progression of German consideration of the Filipino Revolution through previously untapped sources - the newspapers from the north-western city-state of Bremen. I argue that the newspapers ’extensive coverage of the uprising went beyond the typical narrative for it sought to demonstrate the German Self and its place in Asia and Europe for readers at home. The reports fed the German desire for and fascination with establishing a colonial presence in the Pacific, which, in turn, was considered a valuable ticket that would enable Germany to participate in and be respected as a power in late nineteenth century Weltpolitik (world politics) . Saliba James provides an overview of the narrative of the Filipino


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

immigrant workers in his "Human Rights Protection for" Naija Pinoys ": Overseas Filipino Workers in Nigeria." James claims that, lured by the attractive salaries and living packages offered by Nigerian companies, Filipino workers started migrating to Nigeria in the 1960s. Only the economic misfortunes brought about by the country’s political volatility in the mid-1980s briefly disturbed the steady arrival of Filipinos. For James, Filipinos continue to take up posts in Nigeria for they have always enjoyed freedoms and protection of their human rights there; the dialogue between the United Nations Global Forum on Migration and Development and Civil Society Organizations assures their safety. In the 1990s, as James explains, Filipino workers increasingly declared their trust in the Nigerian system by taking up permanent residency. They began to call themselves “Naija Pinoys” (colloquial for Nigerian Filipinos), leading expatriate lives punctuated with the injection of elements of Filipino culture. According to James, the Filipino experience in Nigeria signals the efficacy of combining economic benefits with respect for human rights. Using a heretofore unused book Orang Indonesia jang Terkemoeka di Djawa (Famous Indonesians on Java, or OITD) published by the Japanese Army Information Services in 1944, Gusti Asnan illustrates that the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, well-known for their migratory habits, comprised the largest immigrant ethnic group in Java during the Japanese occupation. The OITD shows that the well-known Minangkabaus were highly educated and long established on Java, even during Dutch rule, for the Dutch had introduced a Western system of education in West Sumatra in the 1840s. In addition to their traditional migratory practice, Minangkabau who benefitted from their modern education either filled positions or furthered their education throughout Java. Unwittingly, they played instrumental roles in the public and private sectors during the Dutch and subsequent Japanese regime. According to Asnan, the

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


national prominence of the Minangkabau declined in the 1960s, consequent to the establishment of the Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia) that aimed to form a Sumatra-based central government against Sukarnos ’Guided Democracy. The Jakarta-based military suppressed the rebellion quite handily, thereby denying Minangkabau from holding civil and military office. In all, the contributions in this volume attest to some of Zeus Salazar's academic achievements — they showcase the scholarship of individuals he has touched and they demonstrate a myriad of research topics in Philippine history and historiography, Philippine Studies and Southeast Asian Studies with which he relates . They are illustrative of Salazar’s dedication to progressive pedagogy and scholarly inquiry. Bringing to fore some of his ideals, they provide a window onto his project for the international academy.

End Notes

1 Zeus Salazar, “Doctrina Cristiana,” in Zeus A. Salazar, Mga Tula ng Pagiral at Pakikibaka (Lunsod Quezon: Palimbagan ng Lahi, 2001), p. 210. 2 Zeus Salazar, “Ang Pagtuturo ng Kasaysayan sa Pilipino,” in General Education Journal 19-20, 1970-71 (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1971), p. 37. 3


4 On these topics, see: Patricio Abinales, Fellow Traveler. Essays on Filipino Communism (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2001; Ferdinand Llanes (ed.), Tibak Rising.Activism in the Days of Martial Law (Mandaluyong City: T'bak Inc. and Anvil Publishing Inc., 2012) ; Susan F. Quimpo and Nathan Gilbert Quimpo, Subversive Lives. A Family Memoir of the Marcos Years (Mandaluyong City: Anvil Publishing Inc., 2012); Mark Thomson, The AntiMarcos Struggle. Personalistic Rule and Democratic Transition in the Philippines (Quezon City : New Day Publishers, 1996); Kathleen Weekley, The Communist


REYES: Celebrating Zeus Salazar

Party of the Philippines, 1968-1993: A Story of its Theory and Practice (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2001). 5 Atoy Navarro, “Ama ng Pantayong Pananaw: Bayan sa Buhay ni Prop. Zeus Salazar (1934-Kasalukuyan), ”in Bahay-Saliksikan ng Kasaysayan. Natatanging Lathalain (Quezon City: BAKAS, 2004), p. 4. 6 Zeus Salazar, “Ukol sa Wika at Kulturang Pilipino,” in Mga Bagong Pag-aaral sa Wika, Literatura, at Kultura: Dyornal ng Malawakang Edukasyon, XXIII-XXIV, 1972-1973, p. 63. 7 On Sikolohiyang Pilipino, see: Marie Madelene Sta. Maria, “The Indigenization Crisis in Social Scientists and the Attempt at Resolution in Sikolohiyang Pilipino,” Ph.D. Diss., University of Cologne, 1993. 8 Virgilio Enriquez, “Sikolohiyang Pilipino: Perspektibo at Direksyon,” in Rogelia Pe-pua (Pat.), Sikolohiyang Pilipino. Teorya, Metodo at Gamit (Lunsod Quezon: University of the Philippines Press at Akademya ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino, 1989), p. 6. 9

Ibid., Pp. 17-18.

10 Virgilio Enriquez, “Mga Batayan ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino sa Kultura at Kasaysayan,” in Pe-pua, Sikolohiyang Pilipino, p. 69. 11 Zeus Salazar, “Ilang Batayan Para sa Isang Sikolohiyang Pilipino,” in Pe-pua, Sikolohiyang Pilipino, p. 53. 12 227.

Sta. Maria, “The Indigenization Crisis in the Social Sciences,” p.


Salazar, “Ukol sa Wika at Kulturang Pilipino, p. 72.

14 Zeus Salazar, “Historiography and the Idealist-Romantic Attitude in Philippine Historical Writing,” Lecture at a Graduate Seminar, January 17, 1979, p. 3rd 15th

Ibid., P. 12th


Ibid., P. 14th

17 Out of this project came: Ferdinand Marcos, Tadhana. The History of the Filipino People. Vols. I-VI (Manila: 1976-86). 18 For an account of the involvement of historians, including Salazar, in Marcos’s Tadhana project, see: Zeus Salazar, “Ang Historiograpiya ng Tadhana: Isang Malayang Paggunita-Panayan”; Romeo V. Cruz, "Ang Paggawa ng Tadhana Mula 1980"; Virgilio Enriquez, “Ang Hangganan ng Kapantasan: Isang Reaksyon

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


see Historiograpiya ng Tadhana ”; “Malayang Talakayan” in Ma. Bernadette Abrera and Dedina Lapar (Mga Pat.), Paksa, Paraan at Pananaw sa Kasaysayan (Quezon City: UP Departamento ng Kasaysayan, UP LIKAS, BAKAS, 1992), pp. 193-217. 19th

Navarro, “Ama ng Pantayong Pananaw,” p. 5.

20 Zeus Salazar, “A Legacy of the Propaganda: The Tripartite View of Philippine History,” in The Ethnic Dimension. Papers on Philippine Culture, History and Psychology (Cologne: CARITAS, 1983), p. 108. 21

Ibid., P. 125-26.


Ibid., P. 126.

23 Ramon Guillermo, “Expositions, Critique and New Directions for Pantayong Pananaw,” Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia 3, March 2003, pp. 2-3. 24 Zeus Salazar, “Ang Pantayong Pananaw: Isang Paliwanag,” in Philippine Currents Vol. IV, No. September 9, 1989, p. 56. 25 For a further analysis, see Portia Reyes, “Fighting over a Nation: Theorizing a Filipino Historiography,” in Postcolonial Studies Vol. 3, p. 248. 26 See: Prospero Covar, “Pilipinolohiya,” Typescript, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, UP Diliman, Quezon City, November 9, 1989. Also in: Prospero Covar, Larangan. Seminal Essays on Philippine Culture (Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts, 1998). 27 Pilipinolohiya is an offshoot of a Ph.D. program on Philippine Studies, which was introduced at the University of the Philippines in 1974. 28

Covar, “Pilipinolohiya,” in Larangan, p. 27

29 Zeus Salazar, “Philippine Studies and Pilipinolohiya: Past, Present and Future of Two Heuristic Views in the Study of the Philippines,” in Zeus Salazar, The Malayan Connection: Ang Pilipinas sa Dunia Melayu (Lunsod Quezon: Palimbagan ng Lahi, 1998) , p. 313. 30

Navarro, “Ama ng Pantayong Pananaw,” p. 7th

31 Zeus Salazar, “Ang Pantayong Pananaw Bilang Diskursong Pangkabihasnan,” in Bautista at Pe-pua, Pilipinolohiya: Kasaysayan, Pilosopiya at Pananaliksik (Maynila: Kalikasan Press, 1991). Also in Atoy Navarro, Mary Jane Rodriguez and Vicente Villan (Mga Pat.), Pantayong Pananaw: Ugat at Kabuluhan. Pambungad sa Pag-aaral ng Bagong Kasaysayan (Lunsod Quezon:


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Palimbagang Kalawakan, 1997), p. 103. 32 Zeus Salazar, “Ang Bayani Bilang Sakripisyo: Pag-aanyo ng Pagkabayani sa Agos ng Kasaysayang Pilipino,” Balangkas ng Panayam. Kumperensya ng ADHIKA, Unibersidad ng Tarlac, 29 Nobyembre 1994, p. 6. 33 Zeus Salazar, “Si Andres Bonifacio at ang Kabayanihang Pilipino,” in Bagong Kasaysayan 2, 1997, p. 8. 34

Reyes, “Fighting over the Nation,” pp. 248-9.


I thank Ma. Carmen Peñalosa for this detail.

36 For a preliminary look on this development, see: Nilo Ocampo, “Mga Disertasyong Naka Filipino: Tungo sa Pambansang Iskolarsyip,” in Lagda. Publikasyon ng Departamento ng Filipino at Panitikan ng Pilipinas (Quezon City: UP KAL, Hulyo 1993).

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


THE ROLE OF LANGUAGE IN THE PHILIPPINES IN A COLONIAL AND POSTCOLONIAL CONTEXT Marlies S. Salazar Abstrak: Tinatalakay ng sanaysay na ito ang papel ng wika sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas.Matagal nang pinag-aaralan ang mga wika sa Pilipinas sa pananaw ng mga banyaga. Parehong ginamit ng Kastila at Amerikaong kapangyarihang kolonyal ang pag-aaral ng mga wika sa Pilipinas hindi dahil sa kanilang maka-agham na pang-uusisa, ngunit dahil sa kanilang pangangailangang sakupin ang kapuluan. Para sa mga Kastila, hindi mapaghihiwalay ang kolonisasyon sa Kristiyanisasyon sapagkat kinakailangang ang lahat ng sakop ng Hari ng Espanya ay Katoliko rin. Nagsulat ang mga Kastilang misyonero ng mga balarila at diksiyonaryo ng mga pangunahing wika sa Pilipinas upang akitin ang mga katutubo sa Katolisismo at maging matatapat na sakop ng Espanya. Dahilan ditto, naging kasangkapan ng kolonisasyon ang lingguwistika. Sapagkat hindi nasakop ng mga Kastila ang mga pamayanan sa kabundukan at ang mga Muslim sa Timog, hindi rin nila napag-aralan ang kanilang mga wika. Matagal pa bago mapag-aaralan ang mga ito. Sa ikalabinsiyam na siglo binigyang-pansin ng mga Europeong siyentista, kabilang na si Wilhelm von Humboldt, ang Pilipinas. Noong 1898, matapos sakupin nec Maynila, nagtatag nec mga Amerikano ng mga eskuwelahang elementarya kung saan Ingles nec wikang panturo. Sinimulan ditto ang Amerisasyon ng Pilipinas. Noong 1953, sa panahon ng Cold War, nagtungo ang Summer School of Linguistics sa Pilipinas upang pag-aralan ang wika ng mga grupong minoridad. Sa sanaysay na ito susuriin ang papel ng mga aspetong nabanggit kaugnay ng mga pagpupunyagi ng Pilipinong espesyalista sa lingguwistika na pag-aralan ang kanilang mga wika upang makabuo ng teorya kaugolwiya, katipay nay-kaşuu ng teorya kaugolwiya, katipaynay ng loinga disiplinika, piliplinang ng minimithi at tunguhin ng Pantayong Pananaw.


SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines

Introduction This paper is an attempt to describe the role of language in the history of the Philippines in a colonial and postcolonial context, from the “discovery” of the Philippines by Magellan to the Americanization of the country in the twentieth century. For almost five centuries Philippine languages ​​were described primarily from the perspective of foreigners. Both colonial powers, the Spanish as well as the Americans, studied Philippine languages ​​not out of scientific interest, but as a means of colonizing the country. The Philippines are an archipelago of 7107 islands, where more than 100 languages ​​are spoken, of which the majority belongs to the Malayo Polynesian language family, a branch of the Austronesian languages. Since 1946 the Philippines have been an independent country; but from 1521 to 1898 they were a Spanish colony, and after a short interlude of independence, which they had declared in 1898, they were sold by Spain to the United States of America in the Treaty of Paris. Although the Filipinos continued to struggle for their independence until 1902, they eventually became a colony of the United States of America until 1946. The archipelago consists of three main groups: the Northern island of Luzon with the capital Manila, a group of islands in the center called Bisayas, and the southern island of Mindanao, which is partly inhabited by Muslims. Since 1973 the official languages ​​of the Republic of the Philippines are Filipino and English. 82.9% of the population are Catholics, a result of the long Spanish colonial period, and only 5% are Muslims. The population growth is enormous: if at the beginning of the twentieth century, in 1903, there were only 7,635,426 inhabitants, in 1948 there were already 19,234,182; in 1980, 48, 098, 410; in 2000, 76,458,614; in 2010, 92,337,8521; in 2013, presumably 95 million inhabitants.

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


This enormous population growth leads to great social and economic problems, forcing many people to look abroad for job opportunities.

The Spanish Period (1521-1898) The Philippines were “discovered” in 1521 by Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese adventurer in the service of Spain, who lost his life in the course of events. But one of his companions the Italian Antonio Pigafetta brought an interesting report back to Europe, which also includes a very interesting word-list.2 Further Spanish expeditions followed, and in 1541 the archipelago was named after the Spanish Infant Felipe, “Islas Filipinas. ” In 1565 the first Spanish settlement was founded in Cebu by Miguel López de Legaspi and in 1571 Manila was declared capital of the colony. For the Spaniards colonization and mission always went hand in hand - the subjects of the Spanish king had to be Catholics. This was a logical consequence of the Reconquista, i.e. of the expulsion of the Muslims from the Iberian Peninsula between 1213-1492, followed by the expulsion of the Jews and the Moriscos (converted Muslims) from Spain, as well as of the colonization of Latin America. The evangelization in the colonies was supposed to be done in Spanish, because Spanish was, according to them, after Latin, the highest language, i.e. the language closest to God’s word. This had already been the practice in the Spanish colonies in Latin America half a century earlier and was supposed to be the practice also in the Philippines. But the missionaries soon found out that this was practically impossible because there were simply too few of them living among the many indigenous people to teach them Spanish. Therefore the missionaries started to write grammars and dictionaries of the most important Philippine languages ​​from the early seventeenth century on, in order to convert


SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines

the people to Catholicism and to make them loyal subjects of the King of Spain. It is in this regard that linguistics became an instrument of colonization. Since the Spaniards could not conquer the peoples in the mountainous north and the Muslims in the south, they initially did not study their languages. That happened much later. In 1580 the Franciscans issued the order to publish dictionaries and grammars of Tagalog, the language spoken in and around Manila. The first grammar was by Juan de Plasencia (not preserved); the second, by San Buanaventura (1613). The grammars were written according to the grammatical system of Latin, because Latin grammar was considered to be the universal grammar created by God. They followed the model of the Spanish grammar of Antonio de Nebrija3 and did not take into consideration the structure of Philippine languages. Still the amount of work done was enormous: the known number of grammars and dictionaries is very high. According to Joaquin Sueiro Justel4 there are 119 of these works, alone for the most important Philippine languages: Tagalog, Bisaya and Ilocano, followed by Bikol and Pampango. In the early Spanish Period there were four religious orders in the Philippines: the Augustinians, the Dominicans, the Franciscans and the Jesuits. To avoid quarrels among them the colonial government decided that all four orders were allowed to work in Manila, but otherwise they were assigned different regions. The Augustinians, who had arrived in 1575, were assigned to Manila, Cebu and Iloilo; the Franciscans (1578) to Manila, Southern Luzon and Bikol; the Dominicans (1581), to Bataan, Pangasinan and the Cagayan Valley; the Jesuits (1581-1773), to Manila, Samar and Leyte; the Augustinian and the Jesuits had to share Mindanao. The Augustianian Recollects who arrived in 1612 had to build their church outside Intramuros and worked mainly in Zambales,

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


Pampanga, Negros and Palawan. But all of them considered Tagalog, which was spoken in and around the capital Manila, as the most important language of the Philippines, and they wrote many dictionaries and grammars for Tagalog. The missionaries first converted the lowlanders, because they were easier to reach and offered less resistance than the highlanders. On the one hand these grammars and dictionaries are valuable sources for the language and culture of the Filipinos in the seventeenth and eighteenth century. On the other hand they suffer from the fact that the Spaniards described Philippine languages ​​according to the model of the Latin grammar, just as Nebrija had described the Spanish language according to the Latin model. A marked disconnection occurred here. Nebrija had chosen an appropriate analogy - the Spanish and the Latin language belonged to the same language family. Philippine languages, however, belong to the Malayo-Polynesian language family and are structurally different from Latin. In their effort to read Philippine languages ​​through Latin, hence, the Spaniards introduced declensions and conjugations, which do not exist in Philippine languages. They introduced concepts like nombres, verbos, adjetivos, voces (passiva / activa), ablativos, preteritos, pretiritos, futuros etc. and subjected Philippine languages ​​to the grammatical categories of Latin. And since they could not imagine a language without the auxiliary verb “to be,” they often adopted the mysterious verbal form “sung,” which does not really exist, in their manuscripts. They also rejected the ancient Philippine alphabets called “baybayin,” which were syllabaries, where the Spaniards could not find their own vowels and consonants. These alphabets were widespread and were written on palm leaves or bamboo. They were used not only for letters and contracts, but also for things which had to do with traditional religious beliefs. Therefore the Spanish friars

SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines


considered them as works of the devil and burned them.5 Today the baybayin are used only by the Mangyans in Mindoro and the Tagbanuwa in Palawan, but they have fascinated European scholars for a long time. For example Wilhelm von Humboldt devoted most of the volume III of his monumental work On the Kawi Language on the Island Java6 to Tagalog. He thought that the Philippine alphabets were related to South-Indian alphabets; 7 he considered Tagalog to be the most important and highly developed language of the Malayo-Polynesian language family. Although Humboldt based his study of the language on Spanish grammars of Tagalog, especially on the famous grammar by Sebastian de Totanes, 8 he also criticized him for dividing arbitrarily Tagalog verbs into 17 different conjugations and conjugating them according to the Spanish tradition. The Spaniards translated Christian beliefs into the Philippine languages, but kept words like Dios, Espiritu Santo and Jesucristo, because they could not find an equivalent for them or they did not want to use the indigenous words for God like bathala or anito. The indigenous words for gods, spirits or ancestors were considered to represent superstitions and their statues as idolos, which had to be burned. This condemnation of indigenous gods, ancestors and spirits did not prevent Filipinos from continuing to believe in them and to integrate them somehow into their religious practices. There are examples of this syncretism up to now. In his book on the role of translation in the conversion of the Tagalogs in the early Spanish period, Vicente Rafael gives very interesting examples of the misunderstandings which occurred in the translation of Spanish concepts into Tagalog. 9 The Spaniards translated soul to loob, which refers to the inside of a person, the inside of a house etc. and can be used in many other contexts

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


in the Tagalog language. Sin was translated as hiya, which means shame. The last sacrament given to the dying became baon, meaning food one takes on a journey. Unwittingly the Tagalogs interpreted the new religion in their own way and continued to believe that you have to pacify the souls of the dead by providing provisions for their travel to the other world. Filipinos were called Indios like the South American indigenous groups, which had been colonized half a century earlier. This came from the original misunderstanding of Christopher Columbus, who thought that he had discovered India when he arrived in the Caribbean. The Philippines were not administered directly from Madrid; until 1821 it was considered a province of the Spanish Vice-Royalty of New Spain (Mexico) which was represented by a Governor General in Manila. In the villages outside Manila Spanish power was represented mostly by the friars, who conspired to transform the scattered rural settlements into bigger villages (poblaciones) around the church. These poblaciones provided the friars better control of the newly converted population, making the church collection of tributes and taxes from them easier. Their knowledge of the native languages ​​and spiritual authority gave the friars more power than the Spanish colonial administration, which sat behind walls of the fortified city of Manila Intramuros. The friars ’desire to retain this position of power filled their strong opposition to the Filipino elite’s plea for liberalization and independence in the nineteenth century. The Spanish friars had a dual role in Philippine history: their linguistic studies contributed to the knowledge of the major Philippine languages, but these selfsame studies also contributed to the Spanish colonization of the country. Many Spanish words found their way into Philippine languages, mostly in family and place names, but are also integrated in Philippine grammatical


SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines

structures. Creole or Chabacano, which is based on Spanish, still exists and has existed for 400 years. Today it has only very few speakers in Cavite, Zamboanga and Davao, and is already extinct in Ermita, a district of Manila. Very few Filipinos spoke Spanish. Towards the end of the Spanish period only 10% of the population could speak this language and they belonged mostly to the Spanish-Filipino elite. Until the 1920s the elite fought against the influence of English and wrote their literature and newspapers in Spanish. Interestingly the Spanish-speaking elite tried to establish contact with the regime of General Franco in Spain and became part of the so-called "Falange Exterior." The President of the University of Santo Tomas even named General Franco Honorary President of the university and expressed the hope that Franco would one day reestablish the Spanish empire that included the Philippines.10 The elite's hope was of course not realized, but they did achieve the preservation of Spanish as one of the official languages ​​of the Philippines until 1973. Nowadays only 3% of the Filipinos speak Spanish, although it has been an obligatory subject in the universities for many years. When the Austrian specialist on the Philippines Ferdinand Blumentritt published his “Attempt at an Ethnography of the Philippines with an Ethnographic Map of the Philippines” in 1882 he concluded that the Spaniards only knew the areas near the coasts and the plains, and had very little knowledge of the areas in the mountains and on far-away islands of the archipelago. 11 The population of a part of Mindanao and the islands of Basilan and Tawi-Tawi are Muslim, but the Spaniards had never been able to colonize them. The Spaniards called them "Moros." And even the colonization and conversion of the peoples from the mountainous region took a long time. These peoples were not easily

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


reached and they defended themselves very well. The Spaniards called all of them “Igorot,” a general term they used to refer to all “wild”, i.e. not baptized, people. In reality the linguistic situation in the Philippines is much more complicated than the Spaniards ever knew. Every ethno-linguistic group has its own name and there are about 100 of them in the Philippines, maybe even more. Linguists differ on this subject, which is dependent on their standards on the limits between language and dialect. As far as this essay is concerned with minor languages, I will limit myself to the history of the discovery of the ethno-linguistic groups in the Cordillera Central. The Apayao, Tingguian, Kalinga, Bontok, Kankanai, Ifugao, Ibaloy, Gaddang, and Ilongot live in this mountainous region of Northern Luzon. In William Henry Scott's The Discovery of the Igorots the Spaniards' vision of gold mines in the mountains fanned the Spanish desire to conquer the Igorots. 12 In 1571, six months after the fall of Manila, Miguel de Legazpi's grandson Juan de Salcedo went on an expedition to north Luzon and came back with 50 pounds of gold. Four years later he died on his way to the gold mines. Many Spanish expeditions succumbed to the superior fighting ability of the Igorots. The missionaries didn't fare any better; in 1584 the Augustinians had their first martyr - Fray Esteban Marin, who was tied to a tree and beheaded. Henceforth the Igorots were believed to be headhunters and cannibals. By the 18th century the Spaniards knew that conquering the Igorots was indeed difficult; in fact, they could not even prevent their comings and goings from their mountain homes and their trade with the Christianized lowlanders. Therefore the colonizers tried to employ a new strategy: they encircled the Igorots by establishing so-called reducciones (from reducir i.e. to subject) halfway up the mountains. Reducciones


SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines

were fortified settlements of baptized Filipinos, under Spanish military administration. This soft approach to the colonization of the north changed in the 19th century, however. Fueled by the desire to take advantage of the gold and copper mines and missions in the mountains and irked by its inhabitant Igorots, who undermined the Spanish tobacco monopoly and hence deprived the government of revenues, the Spaniards renewed their quest of conquering the region. With better firearms they raided Igorot villages, destroyed houses and rice-terraces and established military commands. The year 1880 marked their intensified occupation of this region, punctuated by the arrival of Don Fernando Primo de Rivera, Marquis de Estrella, who was Governor General of the Philippine from 1880 to 1882, and again from 1897 to 1898. When their military expeditions failed , the Spaniards tried to forge alliances with Igorots. Some of those who cooperated were sent to Madrid to man the Igorot village at the colonial Exposición de las Islas Filipinas in June 1887. José Rizal was extremely upset about this degrading exhibition of Igorots in Madrid, as he wrote to his friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt: Don't worry about the Exposicion de Filipinas in Madrid. According to my news, and according to the Spanish newspapers, it is not an exhibition from the Philippines, but only from igorottes who will play music, cook, sing and dance. But I'm afraid of the poor people.They should exhibit themselves in the Madrid zoological garden with their clothes: they will get a delicious pneumonia, since this is the most common disease in Madrid: the Madrid people get it themselves despite the conviction. 13 This exhibition, which took place in the Retiro Park in Madrid, was an attempt by the Spanish government to show to the public its colonial possessions in the Far East, not only the Philippines, but also Palau, the Marianas and the Caroline Islands. It displayed the flora and fauna of the islands, as well as the scientific publications on their ethno-linguistic groups and their languages. 14 Prepared by Spanish officials and friars in the Philippines, the exhibition emphasized the necessary continuation of the “civilizing mission” of Spain. It contrasted “advanced” Spain, symbolized by the Crystal Palace, and “backward” Philippines, symbolized by the nipa huts of the Igorot village. It showcased Igorots, one Negrito and Moros, and set aside lowlanders as well as the political claims of the indigenous intellectual elite. However, the exhibition did not attain its goal of contributing to the continuation of Spanish power in the Philippines. In his article on the intentions and consequences of the exhibition, Reinhard Wendt notes that the 1887 exhibits have been preserved. Devoid of any comment on the colonial context in which its components were collected, this exhibition comprises the core of the Philippine collection of the Museo Nacional de Antropología in Madrid today.15 The Spaniards had to leave the mountains of Northern Luzon after the Philippine revolution and the arrival of the Americans in 1898, ie 325 years after the first attempt by Juan de Salcedo to reach the gold mines. They had not acquired much knowledge about the Igorots. They didn't even know that the Igorots were actually many different mountain tribes with their own languages. These observations were made only by some nineteenth century


SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines

German travelers, who were driven more by scientific curiosity than by military or religious interest. European scientists like Peter Simon Pallas, Franz Carl Alter, Johann Christoph Adelung, Lorenzo Hervas, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Franz Bopp, Friedrich Müller, Hans Conon von der Gabelentz and his son Hans-Georg Conon von der Gabelentz, and Hendrik Kern had been interested in Philippine languages. 16 Purely scientific interest in comparative linguistic studies in Europe interested them, not colonial linguistics. It was only in the nineteenth century, after the end of the Galleon Trade between Manila and Acapulco in 1815 and especially after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 that more non-Spanish traders and explorers came to the Philippines, among them German travelers like Fedor Jagor, Carl Semper, Hans Meyer and Alexander Schadenberg. Fedor Jagor, son of Russian immigrants in Berlin, traveled between 1859 and 1860 to the Philippines and wrote his Travels in the Philippines, which still makes very interesting reading.17 He did not travel to the Cordillera Central, but to the Bikol provinces and the Bisayas. He was one of the first Europeans who climbed the Mayon volcano in Albay. In Camarines Sur, while climbing the Yriga volcano he noticed that the Spaniards called the small groups of Negritos living there 'Igorots', and so he wrote that the term was apparently a general term for wild tribes. 18 Jagor found the Negritos to be very peaceful hunters and gatherers. Carl Semper was a young scientist who traveled between 1858 and 1863 in the Philippines and Palau. In May 1860 he hiked across the Sierra Madre mountains to Isabela province and visited the Kalinga ethno-linguistic group, of which he made the first ethnographic description. 19 Later he became professor in Würzburg and published three volumes about the Philippines and a book

Towards a Filipino History: A Festschrift for Zeus Salazar


about Palau. 20 In 1882, during his voyage around the world, German geographer Hans Meyer spent four months in the Philippines and particularly went to the provinces Benguet and Lepanto and the east of the province Abra. On March 27, 1883 he discussed this visit in his lecture before the Ethnological Society of Berlin, emphasizing the customs and traditions of the inhabitant non-Christian tribes he encountered in the region. 21 He claimed that the Igorots in Benguet and Lepanto speak four different dialects: Inibaloi, Kankanai, a northern variant of Kankanai in the Abra valley and Lepanto. Hans Meyer wrote a few articles on the Igorots and a book about his voyage around the world, where he dedicated chapter 12 and the appendix on the Igorots. 22 Upon his return he entered the publishing house of his father Hermann Julius Meyer, publisher behind Meyers Conversation lexicon. In Germany Hans Meyer is better known for being the first to climb mount Kilimanjaro in 1889. Alexander Schadenberg was a German pharmacist who lived in the Philippines for many years and used all his free time for ethnographic studies. He wrote the first serious ethnological and linguistic study of the Negritos, which attracted much attention among specialists.23 Then he explored the South and East of Mindanao, climbed Mount Apo two times and published his geographic, ethnological and linguistic findings in 1885.24 When Schadenberg opened his own pharmacy in Vigan (Ilocos Sur) he used it as a point of departure for many expeditions to the interior of the Cordillera, on which his wife always accompanied him. One of his most successful expeditions took place in 1886, when he visited the Tinguians, then the Banaos and finally the Guinaans. 25 He wrote comparative word-lists of Bontoc, Banawe, Lepanto and Ilocano, and for the first time, opted to use the German transcription, which is phonologically


SALAZAR: The Role Of Language In The Philippines